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The case of tomato in Ghana: Processing

Author

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  • Robinson, Elizabeth J. Z.
  • Kolavalli, Shashi L.

Abstract

Processing of highly perishable non-storable crops, such as tomato, is typically promoted for two reasons: as a way of absorbing excess supply, particularly during gluts that result from predominantly rainfed cultivation; and to enhance the value chain through a value-added process. For Ghana, improving domestic tomato processing would also reduce the country's dependence on imported tomato paste and so improve foreign exchange reserves, as well as provide employment opportunities and development opportunities in what are poor rural areas of the country. Many reports simply repeat the mantra that processing offers a way of buying up the glut. Yet the reality is that the "tomato gluts," an annual feature of the local press, occur only for a few weeks of the year, and are almost always a result of large volumes of rainfed local varieties unsuitable for processing entering the fresh market at the same time, not the improved varieties that could be used by the processors. For most of the year, the price of tomatoes suitable for processing is above the breakeven price for tomato processors, given the competition from imports. Improved varieties (such as Pectomech) that are suitable for processing are also preferred by consumers and achieve a premium price over the local varieties.

Suggested Citation

  • Robinson, Elizabeth J. Z. & Kolavalli, Shashi L., 2010. "The case of tomato in Ghana: Processing," GSSP working papers 21, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
    • Handle: RePEc:fpr:gsspwp:21
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    References listed on IDEAS

    as
    1. Ihle, Rico & Amikuzuno, Joseph, 2009. "The Integration of Tomato Markets in Ghana with and without Direct Trade Flows," 2009 Conference, August 16-22, 2009, Beijing, China 51402, International Association of Agricultural Economists.
    2. Cook, Roberta L. & Calvin, Linda, 2005. "Greenhouse Tomatoes Change the Dynamics of the North American Fresh Tomato Industry," Economic Research Report 7244, United States Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service.
    3. Robinson, Elizabeth J. Z. & Kolavalli, Shashi L., 2010. "The case of tomato in Ghana: Productivity," GSSP working papers 19, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
    4. Robinson, Elizabeth J. Z. & Kolavalli, Shashi L., 2010. "The case of tomato in Ghana: Marketing," GSSP working papers 20, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
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    Cited by:

    1. Robinson, Elizabeth J. Z. & Kolavalli, Shashi L., 2010. "The case of tomato in Ghana: Productivity," GSSP working papers 19, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
    2. Nkoyo Etim Bassey & Arnim Kuhn & Hugo Storm, 2018. "Are maize marketers averse to quality loss in supplies? A case study from Ghana," Agricultural Economics, International Association of Agricultural Economists, vol. 49(5), pages 649-658, September.
    3. James Sumberg & Martha Awo & George T‐M. Kwadzo, 2017. "Poultry and policy in Ghana: Lessons from the periphery of an agricultural policy system," Development Policy Review, Overseas Development Institute, vol. 35(3), pages 419-438, May.
    4. Robinson, Elizabeth J. Z. & Kolavalli, Shashi L., 2010. "The case of tomato in Ghana: Marketing," GSSP working papers 20, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
    5. Andam, Kwaw & Silver, Jed, 2016. "Food processing in Ghana: Trends, constraints, and opportunities," GSSP policy notes 11, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
    6. Frimpong Boamah, Emmanuel & Sumberg, James, 2019. "The long overhang of bad decisions in agro-industrial development: Sugar and tomato paste in Ghana," Food Policy, Elsevier, vol. 89(C).
    7. Shashidhara Kolavalli & Elizabeth Robinson & Guyslain Ngeleza & Felix Asante, 2012. "Economic Transformation in Ghana: Where Will the Path Lead?," Journal of African Development, African Finance and Economic Association (AFEA), vol. 14(2), pages 41-78.

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