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The Automatic Conservative: Ideology-Based Attentional Asymmetries in the Processing of Valenced Information

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  • Luciana Carraro
  • Luigi Castelli
  • Claudia Macchiella

Abstract

Research has widely explored the differences between conservatives and liberals, and it has been also recently demonstrated that conservatives display different reactions toward valenced stimuli. However, previous studies have not yet fully illuminated the cognitive underpinnings of these differences. In the current work, we argued that political ideology is related to selective attention processes, so that negative stimuli are more likely to automatically grab the attention of conservatives as compared to liberals. In Experiment 1, we demonstrated that negative (vs. positive) information impaired the performance of conservatives, more than liberals, in an Emotional Stroop Task. This finding was confirmed in Experiment 2 and in Experiment 3 employing a Dot-Probe Task, demonstrating that threatening stimuli were more likely to attract the attention of conservatives. Overall, results support the conclusion that people embracing conservative views of the world display an automatic selective attention for negative stimuli.

Suggested Citation

  • Luciana Carraro & Luigi Castelli & Claudia Macchiella, 2011. "The Automatic Conservative: Ideology-Based Attentional Asymmetries in the Processing of Valenced Information," PLOS ONE, Public Library of Science, vol. 6(11), pages 1-6, November.
  • Handle: RePEc:plo:pone00:0026456
    DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0026456
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    References listed on IDEAS

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    1. Nicholas O Rule & Nalini Ambady, 2010. "Democrats and Republicans Can Be Differentiated from Their Faces," PLOS ONE, Public Library of Science, vol. 5(1), pages 1-7, January.
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    Cited by:

    1. Luciana Carraro & Paolo Negri & Luigi Castelli & Massimiliano Pastore, 2014. "Implicit and Explicit Illusory Correlation as a Function of Political Ideology," PLOS ONE, Public Library of Science, vol. 9(5), pages 1-6, May.
    2. Haoran Chu & Janet Yang, 2020. "Their Economy and Our Health: Communicating Climate Change to the Divided American Public," IJERPH, MDPI, vol. 17(21), pages 1-17, October.
    3. Joanna Sterling & John T. Jost & Gordon Pennycook, 2016. "Are neoliberals more susceptible to bullshit?," Judgment and Decision Making, Society for Judgment and Decision Making, vol. 11(4), pages 352-360, July.
    4. Lorenz Graf-Vlachy & Tarun Goyal & Yannick Ouardi & Andreas König, 2021. "Reviews Left and Right: The Link Between Reviewers’ Political Ideology and Online Review Language," Business & Information Systems Engineering: The International Journal of WIRTSCHAFTSINFORMATIK, Springer;Gesellschaft für Informatik e.V. (GI), vol. 63(4), pages 403-417, August.
    5. repec:cup:judgdm:v:11:y:2016:i:4:p:352-360 is not listed on IDEAS
    6. Paul G. Lewis, 2019. "Moral Foundations in the 2015-16 U.S. Presidential Primary Debates: The Positive and Negative Moral Vocabulary of Partisan Elites," Social Sciences, MDPI, vol. 8(8), pages 1-25, August.
    7. Patrick W. Kraft & Milton Lodge & Charles S. Taber, 2015. "Why People “Don’t Trust the Evidenceâ€," The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, , vol. 658(1), pages 121-133, March.
    8. Shona M Tritt & Michael Inzlicht & Jordan B Peterson, 2013. "Preliminary Support for a Generalized Arousal Model of Political Conservatism," PLOS ONE, Public Library of Science, vol. 8(12), pages 1-10, December.

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