Family models in Europe in the context of women's status

In the middle of the 1990s when the majority of European countries had already experienced or were experiencing changes of the second demographic transition, diverse models of family defined by selected demographic characteristics related to marriage and childbearing, existed. The opinion of demographers regarding the reasons of this phenomenon and its future development was diversified. According to Roussel, differentiation in reproductive behaviour in Europe was an outcome of different socio-economic conditions. It was those conditions that defined status of women in a society, that is their position in private and the public sphere. It was argued that the differences between European societies regarding this phenomenon, that are still very significant today, most probably would decrease and this would lead to the homogenisation of the family models in Europe (Roussel 1992; Kuijsten 1995). A different opinion has been presented by Kuijsten who suggests that trends of demographic processes observed during recent years would lead to further differentiation of the models (Kuijsten 1996). According to Coleman, however, the reasons of the discussed differentiation are cultural. Cultural factors change slowly therefore homogenisation of the models of family cannot be expected in the nearest future (Coleman 1996; Hantrais 1997). This paper1 attempts to identify relations between family models existing in Europe with the status of woman in the respective societies. It discusses not only the actual roles played by women in the society but also public opinion regarding which of them are appropriate. Utilising the theory of Becker (Becker 1981) and a set of contingency hypotheses (Liefbroer–Corijn 1999), the paper shows that different models of family are associated with different degrees of intensity in cultural and structural tensions. The paper has been divided into four parts. In the first part different family models existing in Europe in the middle of 1990s are presented using the typology proposed by Roussel at the end of the 1980s (Roussel 1992; Kuijsten 1995). The basis of the analysis is the economic theory of family by Becker (1981) that is presented in the next part of the paper together with the contingency hypotheses discussing the impact of socio-economic and cultural factors on marital and reproductive decisions of individuals. In the following sections of the article an analysis of a study focusing on the social roles of women is presented. First cultural factors, or more specifically the definition of gender roles in the analysed societies are explored. Finally, conditions related to possibilities to reconcile paid employment and family responsibilities of women, in other words social policy issues and the flexibility of labour markets are analysed. The data used in the analysis of the cultural incompatibility comes from the International Social Research Survey Programme. Results of the survey initially presented in a book by Siemieñska (1997) entitled “Values and attitudes determining labour force participation of women” and in a book by Domañski (1999) titled “Happy slave goes to work” have been adapted for the purpose of the study. The first of the publications contains selected results of the research undertaken during the years 1989–1990, while the second includes data gathered in 1994. Analysis of the structural incompatibility has been based on a literature related to the topic and relevant data on the labour market participation of women and the institutional childcare has been derived from various sources, but predominantly from a book by Leira “Working Parents and the Welfare State” (Leira 2002).