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Why negotiate a legally binding mercury convention?

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  • Steinar Andresen
  • Kristin Rosendal
  • Jon Skjærseth

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to explain how and why consensus was reached on a legally binding approach given the opposition of powerful actors. Why did the United States and key emerging economies change their positions? We apply tools from the regime formation literature—classical perspectives on power, interests and knowledge—and the use of different leadership tools to shed light on the issue. Knowledge-based intellectual leadership was exercised by the UNEP Secretariat, providing new information on the seriousness and scope of the problem. Power-based leadership through unilateral action was provided by the United States. When the United States changed position after change in domestic leadership, political costs increased for other opponents. Finally, interest-based instrumental leadership was provided by many proponents, with UNEP and among others the EU in the lead. Still, conflicts remain on control measures and the form of financial mechanism. Copyright Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013

Suggested Citation

  • Steinar Andresen & Kristin Rosendal & Jon Skjærseth, 2013. "Why negotiate a legally binding mercury convention?," International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Springer, vol. 13(4), pages 425-440, November.
    • Handle: RePEc:spr:ieaple:v:13:y:2013:i:4:p:425-440
    DOI: 10.1007/s10784-012-9198-6
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    References listed on IDEAS

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    Cited by:

    1. Tobias Böhmelt & Gabriele Spilker, 2016. "The interaction of international institutions from a social network perspective," International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Springer, vol. 16(1), pages 67-89, February.
    2. Michel Damian, 2014. "La politique climatique change enfin de paradigme," Post-Print halshs-00969308, HAL.
    3. Franz Xaver Perrez, 2020. "The Role of the United Nations Environment Assembly in Emerging Issues of International Environmental Law," Sustainability, MDPI, vol. 12(14), pages 1-20, July.
    4. Tareq K. Al-Awad & Motasem N. Saidan & Brian J. Gareau, 2018. "Halon management and ozone-depleting substances control in Jordan," International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Springer, vol. 18(3), pages 391-408, June.
    5. Samuel Spiegel & Susan Keane & Steve Metcalf & Marcello Veiga, 2015. "Implications of the Minamata Convention on Mercury for informal gold mining in Sub-Saharan Africa: from global policy debates to grassroots implementation?," Environment, Development and Sustainability: A Multidisciplinary Approach to the Theory and Practice of Sustainable Development, Springer, vol. 17(4), pages 765-785, August.
    6. Agni Kalfagianni & Oran R. Young, 2022. "The politics of multilateral environmental agreements lessons from 20 years of INEA," International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Springer, vol. 22(2), pages 245-262, June.
    7. Spiegel, Samuel J. & Agrawal, Sumali & Mikha, Dino & Vitamerry, Kartie & Le Billon, Philippe & Veiga, Marcello & Konolius, Kulansi & Paul, Bardolf, 2018. "Phasing Out Mercury? Ecological Economics and Indonesia's Small-Scale Gold Mining Sector," Ecological Economics, Elsevier, vol. 144(C), pages 1-11.
    8. Azusa Uji, 2019. "Institutional diffusion for the Minamata Convention on Mercury," International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, Springer, vol. 19(2), pages 169-185, April.
    9. Yixian Sun, 2017. "Transnational Public-Private Partnerships as Learning Facilitators: Global Governance of Mercury," Global Environmental Politics, MIT Press, vol. 17(2), pages 21-44, May.

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