Author
Listed:
- Mireille Razafindrakoto
(IRD, UMR DIAL, PSL, Université Paris-Dauphine)
- François Roubaud
(IRD, UMR DIAL, PSL, Université Paris-Dauphine)
Abstract
A l’aube d’un 7ème mandat présidentiel de Paul Biya, la situation politique s'est sévèrement dégradée au Cameroun depuis 2016, avec notamment la résurgence des velléités sécessionnistes des deux régions anglophones, le Nord-Ouest et le Sud-Ouest. Quelles sont les bases sociales et politiques des tensions qui parcourent ces deux régions ? Pour ce faire, nous mobilisons principalement une enquête statistique originale menée auprès de la population fin 2014 sur la Gouvernance, la Paix et la Sécurité (GPS-SHaSA), réalisée avec l’appui scientifique des auteurs. L’article montre que la situation n'est pas que le reflet de stratégies individuelles d’entrepreneurs politiques en mal d’assises électorales et sans ancrage populaire sérieux. La crise anglophone reflète bien des aspirations démocratiques d’une population qui se considère comme des citoyens de seconde zone. Certes, sur de nombreux aspects les Anglophones ne se distinguent pas substantiellement de leurs homologues francophones ; ils ne vivent pas des difficultés plus aigües au quotidien, ni ne se montrent forcément plus négatifs. En revanche, il est un domaine où la « question anglophone » prend corps : leur défiance massive à l’égard du pouvoir et des institutions publiques. _______english________ At the dawn of a 7th presidential term of Paul Biya, following the election of October 7, 2018, Cameroon’s political situation has deteriorated dramatically since 2016 largely due to the resurgence of separatist impulses in the two Anglophone Northwest and Southwest regions. What are the social and political causes of the unrest sweeping through these two regions? In answer to this question, we draw primarily on an original statistical survey of the population on Governance, Peace and Security (GPS-SHaSA) conducted with the authors’ scientific assistance in late 2014. The article shows that the situation is not merely the reflection of individual strategies by political entrepreneurs in need of an electoral base and with no serious popular support. The Anglophone crisis reflects many of the democratic aspirations of a population who see themselves as second-class citizens. In many ways, the English speakers are not so very different from their French-speaking counterparts; they neither experience more serious difficulties day to day nor are they necessarily more negative. However, there is one area in which the “Anglophone issue” really takes shape: their massive distrust of government and public institutions.
Suggested Citation
Mireille Razafindrakoto & François Roubaud, 2018.
"Sous la crise anglophone au Cameroun: frustrations politiques et défiance à l’égard des autorités publiques,"
Working Papers
DT/2018/10, DIAL (Développement, Institutions et Mondialisation).
Handle:
RePEc:dia:wpaper:dt201810
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More about this item
Keywords
Cameroun;
Crises politiques;
Régions anglophones;
Ethnicité;
Gouvernance démocratique;
Violence;
Expériences;
Perceptions;
Enquête statistique;
Cameroon;
Political Crises;
Anglophone Regions;
Ethnicity;
Democratic Governance;
Violence;
Experiences;
Perceptions;
Statistical Survey.;
All these keywords.
JEL classification:
- D02 - Microeconomics - - General - - - Institutions: Design, Formation, Operations, and Impact
- H56 - Public Economics - - National Government Expenditures and Related Policies - - - National Security and War
- O10 - Economic Development, Innovation, Technological Change, and Growth - - Economic Development - - - General
- O43 - Economic Development, Innovation, Technological Change, and Growth - - Economic Growth and Aggregate Productivity - - - Institutions and Growth
- O55 - Economic Development, Innovation, Technological Change, and Growth - - Economywide Country Studies - - - Africa
Statistics
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