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Presidentialism and Accountability for the Economy in Comparative Perspective

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  • SAMUELS, DAVID

Abstract

To what extent do the institutions of presidentialism allow voters to hold governments accountable? Powell and Whitten (1993) suggested that voter capacity to sanction is strong when “clarity of government responsibility” for outcomes is clear, and vice versa. I argue that clarity of responsibility functions differently under presidentialism and that presidentialism generates particular forms of accountability. In general, electoral sanctioning is weak in nonconcurrent elections, which do not occur under parliamentarism, but is stronger in concurrent elections. In concurrent executive elections the clarity of responsibility does not attenuate the economy's impact on the vote. Yet in concurrent legislative elections both partisan and institutional variables diffuse responsibility for economic performance. Thus under many common institutional and partisan formats, voters sanction presidents to a greater degree than legislators for the same phenomenon. These findings elucidate the conditions under which we might observe accountability similar to what we find in some parliamentary systems or a more uniquely presidentialist “dual democratic legitimacies” of the kind Linz (1994) imagined.

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  • Samuels, David, 2004. "Presidentialism and Accountability for the Economy in Comparative Perspective," American Political Science Review, Cambridge University Press, vol. 98(3), pages 425-436, August.
  • Handle: RePEc:cup:apsrev:v:98:y:2004:i:03:p:425-436_00
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    1. repec:gig:joupla:v:1:y:2009:i:3:p:33-56 is not listed on IDEAS
    2. Joshua D. Potter & Margit Tavits, 2011. "Curbing Corruption with Political Institutions," Chapters, in: Susan Rose-Ackerman & Tina Søreide (ed.), International Handbook on the Economics of Corruption, Volume Two, chapter 2, Edward Elgar Publishing.
    3. Hyunwoo Kim, 2023. "Monetary technocracy and democratic accountability: how central bank independence conditions economic voting," Review of International Political Economy, Taylor & Francis Journals, vol. 30(3), pages 939-964, May.
    4. Karolina Kaiser & Emmanuelle Taugourdeau, 2013. "The timing of elections in federations: a disciplining device against soft budget constraints?," Public Choice, Springer, vol. 154(3), pages 197-215, March.
    5. J. S. Maloy, 2014. "Linkages of Electoral Accountability: Empirical Results and Methodological Lessons," Politics and Governance, Cogitatio Press, vol. 2(2), pages 13-27.
    6. José Cheibub & Svitlana Chernykh, 2009. "Are semi-presidential constitutions bad for democratic performance?," Constitutional Political Economy, Springer, vol. 20(3), pages 202-229, September.
    7. Gul, Ferdinand A. & Podder, Jyotirmoy & Shahriar, Abu Zafar M., 2017. "Performance of Microfinance Institutions: Does Government Ideology Matter?," World Development, Elsevier, vol. 100(C), pages 1-15.
    8. David Brulé, 2006. "Congressional Opposition, the Economy, and U.S. Dispute Initiation, 1946-2000," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 50(4), pages 463-483, August.
    9. Danielle Resnick, 2014. "Urban Governance and Service Delivery in African Cities: The Role of Politics and Policies," Development Policy Review, Overseas Development Institute, vol. 32(s1), pages 3-17, July.
    10. José Cheibub & Jennifer Gandhi & James Vreeland, 2010. "Democracy and dictatorship revisited," Public Choice, Springer, vol. 143(1), pages 67-101, April.
    11. repec:hal:pseose:halshs-00492085 is not listed on IDEAS

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