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The Core Executive: Gender, Power and Change

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  • Claire Annesley
  • Francesca Gains

Abstract

The core executive is a central focus for the study of policy change especially in Westminster‐style parliamentary democracies such as the UK. This venue is recognised as the locus of power and where attention should be given for identifying and assessing the process of policy change. It is surprising, then, that studies on women's substantive representation – showing whether and how women can make a difference to politics and policy – have not examined this institution, focusing instead on parliament or women's policy agencies. We plug this gap in scholarship in suggesting that the core executive should be the key venue for examining substantive representation of women. At the same time we present the case that the core executive is a gendered institution in terms of recruitment, resource allocation, relationships and rules. We argue that this gendered disposition shapes the opportunities and constraints available to feminist actors intent on altering the gender emphasis of public policy and illustrate this empirically through a case study of the actions and successes of two feminist ministers – Harriet Harman and Patricia Hewitt. As such this article makes a contribution to mainstream core executive research, gender and politics scholarship as well as the new and feminist institutionalist literatures.

Suggested Citation

  • Claire Annesley & Francesca Gains, 2010. "The Core Executive: Gender, Power and Change," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 58(5), pages 909-929, December.
    • Handle: RePEc:bla:polstu:v:58:y:2010:i:5:p:909-929
    DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2010.00824.x
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    References listed on IDEAS

    as
    1. Sarah Childs & Mona Lena Krook, 2008. "Critical Mass Theory and Women's Political Representation," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 56(3), pages 725-736, October.
    2. Mark Bevir & R. A. W. Rhodes, 2006. "Prime Ministers, Presidentialism and Westminster Smokescreens," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 54(4), pages 671-690, December.
    3. Sarah Childs & Mona Lena Krook, 2008. "Critical Mass Theory and Women's Political Representation," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 56, pages 725-736, October.
    4. Sarah Childs & Julie Withey, 2004. "Women Representatives Acting for Women: Sex and the Signing of Early Day Motions in the 1997 British Parliament," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 52, pages 552-564, October.
    5. Sarah Childs & Julie Withey, 2004. "Women Representatives Acting for Women: Sex and the Signing of Early Day Motions in the 1997 British Parliament," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 52(3), pages 552-564, October.
    6. Mark Bevir & R. A. W. Rhodes, 2006. "Prime Ministers, Presidentialism and Westminster Smokescreens," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 54, pages 671-690, December.
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    Cited by:

    1. Blome, Agnes & Fuchs, Gesine, 2017. "Macht und substantielle Repräsentation von Frauen," EconStor Open Access Articles and Book Chapters, ZBW - Leibniz Information Centre for Economics, vol. 26(1), pages 55-69.
    2. Alberto López Ortega, 2024. "Do political duos diminish discriminatory voter preferences? Evidence from a combined conjoint experiment," European Union Politics, , vol. 25(1), pages 106-129, March.
    3. Björk, Lisa & Härenstam, Annika, 2016. "Differences in organizational preconditions for managers in genderized municipal services," Scandinavian Journal of Management, Elsevier, vol. 32(4), pages 209-219.
    4. Sarah C. Dingler & Ludger Helms, 2023. "Parliamentary Women Opposition Leaders: A Comparative Assessment Across 28 OECD Countries," Politics and Governance, Cogitatio Press, vol. 11(1), pages 085-96.

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