Author
Abstract
“Democracy generally stops both at the gates of the workplace and the borders of a state.” (Anderson, 2002 , p. 34) “The border seemed to move with me, hanging overhead like a cloud.” (Blaise, 1990 , p. 5) “I now understand that a man’s place in society is the one he takes.” ( Tar Angel , 2001)1 Borders, and their iconic images of gates, walls and fences, are ubiquitous representations of immigration policy and experiences. They express the control of territorial boundaries of a nation‐state and its people, distinguishing those inside from those outside. They also represent the physical, social and cultural transition in the lives of those who cross a border to settle in a new nation, and in the lives of the people left behind (Chavez, 2001). Points of arrival are perpetual points of departure in the journey of a migrant. Powerful metaphors of the immigrant journey, borders are determined and maintained by economic and political imperatives constructing the flows of capital, goods, ideas, technologies, etc. (Appadurai, 1996). International commercial treaties, such as the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement, affirm the permeability of borders. Post‐September 11 discussion on the creation of a North American security perimeter that would allow for a multinational harmonization of counterterrorism efforts without impeding economic relations has generated particular pressures to re‐examine the security of continental borders. Increased border enforcement and technology have been the main harmonization strategies that bring a “high visibility and symbolic value of the border deterrence effort” and thus affirm the control of (some) people’s mobility and flow (Andreas, 2003, p. 6). Economic borders have largely been dismantled under the banner of free trade while security borders have been refortified under the threat of terrorism (even though the north and south borders had very little to do with the September 11 attacks). National security issues have expanded the criminalization of immigration even though legality and illegality are integrally constructed in immigration policy. As Samers (2003, p. 556) argues, “[t]here can be no undocumented immigration without immigration policy, and thus those who are deemed to be 'illegal’, 'irregular’, 'sans papiers’ or indeed 'undocumented’ shift with the nature of immigration policy”.
Suggested Citation
Liette Gilbert, 2005.
"Resistance in the neoliberal city,"
City, Taylor & Francis Journals, vol. 9(1), pages 23-32, April.
Handle:
RePEc:taf:cityxx:v:9:y:2005:i:1:p:23-32
DOI: 10.1080/13604810500050153
Download full text from publisher
As the access to this document is restricted, you may want to search for a different version of it.
Corrections
All material on this site has been provided by the respective publishers and authors. You can help correct errors and omissions. When requesting a correction, please mention this item's handle: RePEc:taf:cityxx:v:9:y:2005:i:1:p:23-32. See general information about how to correct material in RePEc.
If you have authored this item and are not yet registered with RePEc, we encourage you to do it here. This allows to link your profile to this item. It also allows you to accept potential citations to this item that we are uncertain about.
We have no bibliographic references for this item. You can help adding them by using this form .
If you know of missing items citing this one, you can help us creating those links by adding the relevant references in the same way as above, for each refering item. If you are a registered author of this item, you may also want to check the "citations" tab in your RePEc Author Service profile, as there may be some citations waiting for confirmation.
For technical questions regarding this item, or to correct its authors, title, abstract, bibliographic or download information, contact: Chris Longhurst (email available below). General contact details of provider: http://www.tandfonline.com/CCIT20 .
Please note that corrections may take a couple of weeks to filter through
the various RePEc services.