Author
Listed:
- Sebastián Freille
(Universidad Católica de Córdoba, Unidad Asociada al Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Ténicas (Córdoba, Argentina). Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas (Córdoba, Argentina))
- Pablo Soffietti
(Universidad Católica de Córdoba, Unidad Asociada al Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (Córdoba, Argentina))
Abstract
In this paper we examine the impact of campaign contributions on electoral results in Argentine national elections for the period 2005-2013. Using previously unavailable micro-level data on private campaign contributions we test several hypothesis concerning the relationship between contributions and electoral results. Our findings suggest that while parties receive both public and private funds, only private contributions are significantly associated with electoral performance –i.e. the higher the ratio of private to public contributions the higher the vote share. Interestingly, while challengers see an increase in vote shares as a result of an increase in private contributions, this is not the case for incumbents. One possible explanation for this is that incumbents have other sources of funding available to them –official advertising, informal campaign spending- which may be substitutes to formal private funding. This may have important implications in terms of policy design as limiting (or even prohibiting) private contributions may actually be more detrimental to challengers than to incumbents, with the likely effect of increasing incumbency advantage even further./ En el presente documento se examina el impacto de las contribuciones de la campaña en los resultados electorales de las elecciones nacionales argentinas para el período 2005-2013. Utilizando datos de nivel micro no disponibles anteriormente sobre las contribuciones privadas a las campañas, probamos varias hipótesis sobre la relación entre las contribuciones y los resultados electorales. Nuestros hallazgos sugieren que, si bien los partidos reciben tanto fondos públicos como privados, sólo las contribuciones privadas se asocian de manera significativa con el desempeño electoral, es decir, cuanto mayor es la proporción de contribuciones privadas y públicas, mayor es la proporción de votos. Curiosamente, mientras que los contendientes ven un aumento en la proporción de votos como resultado de un aumento de las contribuciones privadas, este no es el caso de los titulares. Una posible explicación de ello es que los titulares tienen a su disposición otras fuentes de financiación -publicidad oficial, gastos de campaña informales- que pueden sustituir a la financiación privada oficial. Esto puede tener importantes consecuencias en lo que respecta al diseño de políticas, ya que limitar (o incluso prohibir) las contribuciones privadas puede ser en realidad más perjudicial para los aspirantes que para los titulares, con el probable efecto de aumentar aún más la ventaja de los titulares.
Suggested Citation
Sebastián Freille & Pablo Soffietti, 2017.
"Campaign finance and national elections. An empirical investigation for Argentina, 2005-2013,"
Revista de Economía y Estadística, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Instituto de Economía y Finanzas, vol. 55(1), pages 111-139, Diciembre.
Handle:
RePEc:ief:reveye:v:55:y:2017:i:1:p:111-139
DOI: 10.55444/2451.7321.2017.v55.n1.28364
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More about this item
Keywords
Campaign contributions;
Elections;
Incumbency adantage;
All these keywords.
JEL classification:
- D70 - Microeconomics - - Analysis of Collective Decision-Making - - - General
- D72 - Microeconomics - - Analysis of Collective Decision-Making - - - Political Processes: Rent-seeking, Lobbying, Elections, Legislatures, and Voting Behavior
- D73 - Microeconomics - - Analysis of Collective Decision-Making - - - Bureaucracy; Administrative Processes in Public Organizations; Corruption
- D78 - Microeconomics - - Analysis of Collective Decision-Making - - - Positive Analysis of Policy Formulation and Implementation
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